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[T]he
ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and
when they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed,
the world is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe
themselves to be quite exempt from any intellectual influences, are usually
the slaves of some defunct economist. Madmen in authority, who hear voices
in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a
few years back. I am sure that the power of vested
interests is vastly exaggerated compared with the gradual encroachment of
ideas. Not, indeed, immediately, but after a certain interval; for in the
field of economic and political philosophy there are not many who are
influenced by new theories after they are twenty-five or thirty years of
age, so that the ideas which civil servants and politicians and even
agitators apply to current events are not likely to be the newest. But, soon
or late, it is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or
evil..
John
Maynard Keynes
About Real-World Economics
(Last updated: 10/10/2020)
We live in a country in which many people, if not the vast
majority, hold beliefs about the federal budget that are demonstrably
inconsistent with the facts that exist in the real world. The extent to which
this is so is easily seen by considering how many people would be surprised to
discover that the size of the federal budget as a fraction of our economy—that
is, as a percent of gross domestic product (GDP)—at the end of the Clinton
administration was about where
it was in the late 1950s and early 1960s and that leading up to the
pandemic it was about where it was during the Carter administration. How many people would be
shocked to discover that there were more federal government employees in 1967
(2.85 million civilians plus 3.45 million military) than there were in 2013
(2.77 million civilians plus 1.53 million military)? How many would also be
shocked to discover that federal employees as a fraction of the civilian labor
force has fallen by more than 50% since the 1960s? And how many know that
Americans are one of the least-taxed people among the advanced countries in
the world?
These are all simple and easily verifiable real-world facts
that most people would find almost impossible to believe given the deluge of
disingenuous, antigovernment rhetoric that is designed to encourage us to
believe otherwise.
The fact that the size of the federal budget as a fraction of our
economy at the end of the Clintion administration
was about where
it was in the late 1950s and early 1960s and that leading up to the
pandemic it was about where it was during the Carter administration
is shown in Figure 1.
Figure 1:
Federal Outlays as a Percent of GDP, 1930-2019.

Source:
Office of Management and Budget
(Table
1.2 ),
This figure, which plots total federal outlays as a percent
of GDP from 1930 through 2019, shows that in spite of what most people
seem to believe:
The most significant increases in the
federal government's role in the economy took place in the 1930s, 1940s, and 1950s.
Federal Outlays relative
to the size of the economy in 2019 (21.0% of GDP) were comparable to those in 1980 (21.1% of GDP).
The average level of Federal
Outlays relative to GDP since 2000 (21.0%) was more than the average in the 1970s (19.4%) and less than it was in the
1980s (21.6%).
This is what our exploding
federal budget actually looks like in the real world.
Figure 2
shows the relationship between the number of Federal Government
Employees—Total, Civilian, Military, and Postal—and
the Civilian Labor Force and Population of the United
States from 1950 through 2014.
Figure 2:
Federal Government Employees, 1950-2014.

Source:
Bureau of Labor Statistics
(A-1
B-1),
Office of
Personal Management.
As is shown in this figure the Total number of Federal Government Employees (Civilian
plus Military)
and federal Military employees fell substantially as the Vietnam
War wound down and the Cold War came to an end. At the same time, the
number of Civilian federal employees has remained relatively
constant since 1967 (hovering around three million) in spite of the fact
that the Civilian Labor Force has doubled since 1967 and the
civilian Population increased by 90%. What's more, Figure 2
clearly shows that Civilian federal employees as a fraction of the
workforce has been cut in half since the 1960s and by even more when we
include Military employees. Civilian federal employees were
3.7% of the labor force in 1967; they were only 1.8% of the labor force in
2014, and it is worth noting that 22% of all Civilian federal
employees worked for the Post Office in 2014 and delivered our mail!
This is what our ever-growing, out-of-control federal
bureaucracy actually looks like in the real world.
The fact that Americans are not terribly overtaxed is shown quite clearly in
the following table
that is
constructed from the data in the
CIA World Factbook.
|
National Government Taxes and Other Revenues as a Percent of GDP |
|
United States |
17.2 |
Uganda |
15.2 |
Costa Rica |
14 |
Korea, North |
11.4 |
|
Guinea |
17 |
Sri Lanka |
15.1 |
Philippines |
13.9 |
Timor-Leste |
11 |
|
Cameroon |
16.8 |
South Sudan |
15 |
Burma |
13.8 |
Bangladesh |
10.8 |
|
New Guinea |
16.7 |
Suriname |
14.9 |
Yemen |
13.5 |
Turkmenistan |
10.6 |
|
Curacao |
16.6 |
Liechtenstein |
14.9 |
West Bank |
13.4 |
India |
10.2 |
|
Malaysia |
16.5 |
Pakistan |
14.9 |
Indonesia |
12.9 |
Afghanistan
|
9.5 |
|
Taiwan |
16.3 |
Egypt |
14.7 |
Madagascar |
12.2 |
Puerto Rico |
9 |
|
Bahrain |
16.1 |
Monaco |
14.6 |
Chad |
12.1 |
Sudan |
6.9 |
|
Tanzania |
15.3 |
Benin |
14.6 |
Brunei |
12 |
Syria |
4.2 |
|
Ethiopia |
15.2 |
Isle of Man |
14.6 |
Guatemala |
11.8 |
Nigeria |
3.5 |
Source:
CIA World Factbook
(Country
Comparison: Taxes and Other Revenues).
These are the countries of the world that
devote a smaller proportion of their gross income (GDP) to their national
governments than the United States. How does the quality of life in
these countries compare to the quality of life in the countries of Western
Europe and North America?
The following tables are constructed from the official statistics of
the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development (OECD). These tables show how the ranking of the
United States among the OECD countries has changed since 1980 in terms of
total government tax revenues as a percent of gross income (GDP) as well as
this percentage for all OECD countries in 2016:
|
Least Taxed OECD Countries as a Percent of GDP, 1980-2010 |
|
1980 |
1990 |
2000 |
2010 |
|
USA |
25.5 |
Australia |
28 |
Australia |
30.4 |
Ireland |
27 |
|
Japan |
24.5 |
Portugal |
26.5 |
Latvia |
29.1 |
Japan |
26.5 |
|
Switzerland |
23.3 |
USA |
26 |
USA |
28.2 |
Switzerland |
26.5 |
|
Spain |
22 |
Greece |
25.2 |
Switzerland |
27.4 |
Australia |
25.4 |
|
Portugal |
21.9 |
Switzerland |
23.6 |
Japan |
25.8 |
Turkey |
24.8 |
|
Greece |
20.8 |
Korea |
18.8 |
Turkey |
23.6 |
USA |
23.5 |
|
Korea |
16.9 |
Chile |
16.9 |
Korea |
21.5 |
Korea |
23.4 |
|
Mexico |
14.5 |
Turkey |
14.5 |
Chile |
18.8 |
Chile |
19.6 |
|
Turkey |
13 |
Mexico |
12.4 |
Mexico |
13.1 |
Mexico |
13.4 |
|
Tax Revenues of OECD Countries as a Percent of GDP, 2016 |
|
Denmark |
45.9 |
Greece |
38.6 |
Czech Repub |
34 |
Latvia |
30.2 |
|
France |
45.3 |
Norway |
38 |
Poland |
33.6 |
Australia |
28.2 |
|
Belgium |
44.2 |
Germany |
37.6 |
Spain |
33.5 |
Switzerland |
27.8 |
|
Finland |
44.1 |
Luxembourg |
37.1 |
United Kingdom |
33.2 |
Korea |
26.3 |
|
Sweden |
44.1 |
Slovenia |
37 |
Slovak Repub. |
32.7 |
United States |
26 |
|
Italy |
42.9 |
Iceland |
36.4 |
New Zealand |
32.1 |
Turkey |
25.5 |
|
Austria |
42.7 |
Estonia |
34.7 |
Canada |
31.7 |
Ireland |
23 |
|
Hungary |
39.4 |
Portugal |
34.4 |
Israel |
31.2 |
Chile |
20.4 |
|
Netherlands |
38.8 |
OECD - Average |
34.3 |
Japan |
30.7 |
Mexico |
17.2 |
Source:
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development,
(Comparative
Tables).
This is what
our unbearable tax burden actually looks like in the real world. The
United States ranked fifth from the bottom on this list in 2016. We
collected 24% less in taxes in that year (26%) than the average for the OECD
countries (34%), 35% less than the 17 countries that were above the average
(40%), 39% less than the top 10 countries (43%), and these are the most
prosperous and economically advanced and productive countries in the world!
Does it really make sense for the United States
to be running a race to the bottom with Turkey, Ireland, Chile, and Mexico?
I don't think so! The simple fact is that all of the countries that have higher life
expectancies, healthier populations, lower crime and incarceration rates,
better educated populations, higher standards of living, lower poverty rates,
better public infrastructure, and that are able to promote the general Welfare
better than the United States pay higher taxes than we do. (See the
OECD Comparative tables.)
The
ideas that the federal budget and federal employment have grown
voraciously over the past fifty years and that Americans are terribly
overtaxed are only three of the fiscal myths people believe today. In a
February 2013 survey the
Pew Research Center
asked
1,504 respondents: "If you were making up the budget for the federal
government this year, would you increase spending, decrease spending or
keep spending the same" for nineteen different categories of government
expenditures. The expenditure categories and results of the survey are
given in Figure 3.
Figure 3:
Pew Research Center/USA Today Survey Results,
February 2013.

Source:
Pew Research Center
For all categories of expenditures, other than the first three,
a larger proportion of the respondents would choose to increase rather
than decrease expenditures, and for all categories, even the first three,
a majority of those who had an opinion would either increase expenditures
or keep them the same. In addition, the three categories for which more
respondents would rather decrease than increase—Aid to the world's
needy, State Department, and Unemployment aid—sum to
just 2% of the federal budget while just five of the categories which more
respondents would increase rather than decrease—Social Security, Military defense,
Medicare, Health care, and Aid to
needy in U.S.—sum to almost 80% of the federal budget. These results suggest that the vast majority of the
American public is satisfied with the size of the federal government we
have, and, if anything, would like to see it increase rather than
decrease.
These results stand in stark contrast with those of the
Pew Research Center/USA Today survey conducted later that same month. In
this survey the respondents were asked if the president and Congress should
focus on spending cuts, tax increases, or both in order to reduce the federal
budget deficit. The results are given in Figure 4.
Figure 4: Pew Research Center/USA Today Survey Results, February 2013.

Source:
Pew Research Center/USA Today
Here we find that the overwhelming majority of respondents
(73%) said they would like to see the federal deficit problem solved
through only (19%) or mostly (54%) spending cuts rather than through only
or mostly tax increases. In other words, an overwhelming majority of the American people
would like to have their cake and eat it too; they want to increase the
size of the federal government or keep it the same as they solve the
deficit problem through only or mostly spending cuts.
According to the Office of Management and Budget, the federal
deficit in 2023 amounted to $1,694 billion. This was equal to 27% of the federal
budget. The following chart shows a breakdown of federal expenditures in 2023
with the 27% deficit hole in it.
Figure 5: United States Federal
Expenditures, 2023.

Source:
Office of Management and Budget
(1.1,
3.2
11.3)
(Click
Here for Graphs since 1960)
Even a causal
examination of this chart reveals that it is impossible to maintain the
government the vast majority of the American people seem to want and at the
same time reduce the deficit by as much as
27% through mostly spending
cuts:
1.
Maintaining our current levels of
expenditures on Social Security and Medicare (37% of the budget)—as over 80% of
the respondents in the Pew poll say they would chose to do—leaves only 54.5% of
the budget to cut after deducting the 8% of the budget that goes to interest on
the national debt. It would require a 40% cut in the rest of the budget if we
wished to balance the budget through spending cuts and exempt Social Security
and Medicare from cuts.
2. Maintaining our current levels of
expenditures on National Defense (13% of the budget)—as over 70% of the respondents in the Pew poll also say they would
chose to do—leaves only 31% of the budget to cut after deducting interest on the
national debt. A 27% cut in the total budget would require a 87% cut in this
31% in order to balance the budget through spending cuts.
3. At this point we re left with only
4% of the budget which isn't enough to fund Veterans Benefits (4.8% of the
budget)—which over 90% of the respondents in the Pew poll say they would chose
to do—which
means that at this point nothing else can be funded if we try to fund Veterans
Benefits..
Where are these cuts supposed to come from? From eliminating
waste, fraud, and abuse? I don't think so! As I have explained in
Waste, Fraud, and
Abuse in the Federal Budget, the idea that we can reduce the federal
budget even by 10% through eliminating waste, fraud, and abuse only makes sense to those
who refused to look at the numbers or are enumerate.
The federal budget has been at the center of the political
debate in our country for the past forty years, and, yet, few people seem to
understand how the money is spent. As the
Pew Research Center and
Pew Research Center/USA Today surveys indicate, many, if not most seem to
believe that somehow we can cut the budget dramatically, say by as much as
10%, and can thereby save a substantial amount in taxes without having to cut
defense or Social Security or Medicare and without cutting those programs that
make up our social safety net. At the same time there are those at both ends
of the political spectrum who believe we can save a tremendous amount in taxes
by cutting defense. (Coburn
Sanders)
Figure 5 clearly indicates that these beliefs are
absurd. Figure 6 and Figure 7 below may help to make this
point even more forcefully.
Figure 6
is constructed from
OMB's
Table
3.1—Outlays by Superfunction and Function. This figure plots a breakdown
of the actual, real-world outlays of the federal government in terms of its
three largest categories (Superfunctions) from 1940 through 2019: Defense,
Human Resources, and Net Interest both as a percent of GDP and
of Total Outlays.
Figure 6:
Defense, Human Resources, and Net Interest, 1940-2019.

Source:
Office of Management and Budget. (3.1
10.1)
The first thing we see when we look at the graphs in this
figure is that even though the size of the federal budget has changed very
little relative to the economy since the 1950s, the Human Resources
component of the budget—those programs that make up our social insurance
system including Social Security, Medicare, and the rest of our social
safety net—has grown dramatically. It has gone from less than 20% of Total
Outlays in the early 1950s to more than 60% in the 2000s and stood at 69%
of the federal budget in 2019.
At the same time we see that
Defense has decreased just
as dramatically, going from over 60% of Total Outlays in the early
1950s to around 20% in the 2000s and stood at 15% in 2019. Meanwhile the third
largest category in the budget, Net Interest, has gone from a high of
14% of the Total Outlays in 1948 to a low of 5% in 2009; Net
Interest stood at 8% of the budget in 2019.
What is most relevant to the point at
hand, however, is what has happened to All Other Outlays and Defense
in this graph.
All Other Outlays
shows us how much the federal government spent on everything other than Defense, Human Resources, and Net Interest. All Other
Outlays consists of such things as expenditures on
Energy,
Natural Resources and Environment,
Transportation,
Community and Regional Development,
International Affairs,
General Science,
Space,
Technology,
Agriculture,
Administration of Justice, and
General Government—basically, all of the items north of
Interest on the
National Debt in Figure 5 that do not involve retirement,
healthcare, or other social-insurance programs. This residual has gone
from a high of 28% of the budget in 1940 to a low of 5% in 1945. It stood at
8% in 2007 before the financial and economic crisis that wrought havoc with
the federal budget began and stood at 6% in 2019.
It is obvious—or at least it should be obvious to anyone who
looks at the actual, real-world expenditures of the federal government plotted
in Figure 5, has even the faintest idea of how the world works (Amy),
and who can count—that there is no reason to believe we can save a substantial
amount in taxes by cutting the programs in the All Other Outlays
category in Figure 6, obviously not enough to reduce the total budget
by 10%. The expenditures on programs in this category have already been cut relative to the budget and GDP
by more than 60% since 1980, and even if we were
to eliminate all of these expenditures completely—which, of course, we
can't do and still have a functioning government—we would succeed in
reducing the size of the federal budget by less than 6%. It is also worth
noting that, relative to the size of our economy, we have already cut the
programs in this portion of the budget below where they were in the 1950s.
What do we find when we look at
Defense?
As for Defense, there may be some room to maneuver if we
were to realign our budget
priorities away from the military threats we faced twenty-five or thirty years
ago and toward those we face today. There is, however, no reason to believe we
can solve all of our fiscal problems simply by cutting Defense. Defense was
only 15.1% of Total Outlays in 2015 and 3.2% of GDP in 2019. Even if we were to cut
Defense in half—something
that virtually no one would be willing to do—it would reduce the
federal budget by less than 8%.
Thus, if we are serious about saving as much
as 10% of our total federal taxes, unless we are willing to make draconian
cuts in Defense or the rest of the federal budget, we must look to Human
Resources. That's where the money is, and it's also where Social Security and
Medicare are, as well as the other social-insurance programs that make up our
social safety net. The question is:
Does it really make sense in the real world to think we can save
a lot of money by cutting Human Resources without cutting Social Security or Medicare and without cutting the programs
that make up our social safety net?
Human
Resources
The OMB's Table
11.3—Outlays for Payments for Individuals details the bulk of the
expenditures contained in the Human Resources category of the
budget. Figure 7 breaks down the items in Table
11.3 into three categories where Retirement/Disability is the sum of
all federal expenditures on retirement and disability programs, Healthcare is
the sum of all federal expenditures to individuals for healthcare, and Other Human Resources
is the total of all government expenditures on all other Human
Resources programs. (For
a detailed explanation of each of these categories along with a detailed
examination of programs that are included in each category see the expanded
discussion of this figure in Understanding
The Federal Budget.)
Figure 7: Breakdown of Human Resources, 1940-2019.

Source:
Office of Management and Budget.
(11.3 3.1
10.1)
The first thing we see when we look at the breakdown in
Human Resources in Figure 7 is that Retirement/Disability has been the largest component of
Human Resources since 1952.
The second is that while there were significant increases from
1965 through 1975 in all of the graphs in this figure, only Healthcare
continued to increase after 1975. This component of the federal budget has
grown almost continuously from virtually nothing in 1965 to the point where it
has rivaled Retirement/Disability as the largest component of Human
Resources since 2017.
Retirement/Disability
and Healthcare
combined dominate Human Resources and accounted for some 87% of all
Human Resources expenditures in 2019. This would suggest that if we
are to find ways to make substantial cuts in Human Resources we
should begin by looking at Retirement/Disability and Healthcare.
Retirement/Disability
The problem is that when we look at Retirement/Disability
we find it is dominated by Social Security in that 76.6% of the total spent
on programs in this category of the budget went to Social Security in 2019
while 19.5% went to civil service, military, and railroad
retirement/disability programs, and only 1.7% to the
Supplemental Security Income (SSI)
program.
There is no way to make substantial cuts in this portion of
the Human Resources budget without cutting Social Security.
After all, military, civil servants, railroad employees, and other
government employees are just as entitled to their retirement/disability
benefits as are Social Security recipients, and, in any event, these
programs take up only 5.8% of the total budget in 2019.
This leaves the SSI program which was 1.7% of Human
Resource expenditures,1.2% of the federal budget and 0.3% of our gross
income in 2019. Aside from its insignificance, SSI is the primary social
safety-net program that provides for indigent disabled and indigent elderly
individuals who are either not eligible for Social Security or whose
benefits fall below a subsistence level. Substantial cuts in this program
would not only save virtually nothing, it would also tear a huge hole in our
social safety net.
What about Healthcare?
Healthcare
Healthcare
accounted for 30% of the federal budget in 2019 where Medicare
accounted for 56% of these expenditures.
Medicaid
(which lies at the very core of our social
safety net)
accounted for 30% of these expenditures, 9% of the budget, and less than
2% of our gross income in 2019. According to the
Census Bureau's
Table 151. Medicaid—Beneficiaries and Payments: 2000 to 2009, some 75%
of its beneficiaries were either poor Children, indigent Blind/Disabled
individuals, or indigent elderly adults age 65 and over, and over 85% of
Medicaid's expenditures went to these individuals. In addition, Medicaid is
today an essential part of the Affordable Care Act in that it makes it
possible for able bodied adults who cannot otherwise afford private
insurance to be to be insured. Thus, it would appear that
there is very little room to cut this 9% of the budget without causing a
great deal of hardship and misery through the denial of medical services to
poor children or indigent disabled or elderly adults if private insurance
rates are to be kept low for people with pre existing conditions.
That leaves the remaining 6% of the Human Resources
budget that went to the Other Healthcare programs in 2019. Here we
are talking about 4% of the federal budget and, again, less than 1% of our gross income. Of that
6%, 47% went
to veterans (Hospital and
medical care for veterans and
Uniformed Services
retiree health care fund), 9% to
Children's health
insurance, and 2% to Indian health,
25% to
Refundable Premium Tax Credit and Cost Sharing Reductions to subsidize
health insurance for low income families, 5% went to
Health resources and services (a program that is designed to meet the
healthcare needs in underserved, mostly rural areas), 2% went to
Substance abuse
and mental health services (a program that is severely under funded
given the extent of the substance abuse problem in our country), and 8%
(less than 0.1% of our gross income) went to medical research and other federal healthcare programs.
Veterans certainly have as much right to their medical
benefits as Medicare recipients, and the rest of these programs play an
important role in our social safety net. In addition, since the rest of
these programs took up only 1.0% of the entire federal budget in 2019 there
is virtually nothing to be saved in taxes by eliminating these programs.
The leaves but one category
to examine
in Figure
7: Other Human Resources.
Other Human Resources
is the total of government
expenditures on all Human Resources programs that are not included in
the other categories in Figure 7. It is calculated by
subtracting the sum of Retirement/Disability and Healthcare in
Figure 7 from the total of Human Resources given in Figure
6. This category includes the expenditures on all of the federal
programs in the
OMB's
Table 11.3 that are not medical or retirement/disability programs; it is where we find the non-healthcare/non-retirement programs that make up our
social safety net.
The first thing that should be noted about this portion of
the budget is that we are talking about 9% of the entire federal
budget and less than 2% of our gross income in 2019. These programs comprise
the backbone of our social safety net. We're talking about the
Earned
Income and Child Tax
Credits (2% of the total budget in 2015 and less than 1% of GDP) that are
designed to encourage work and assist the working poor who pay over 14% of
their earned
income in payroll taxes. About food stamps (SNAP),
school
lunch and milk programs, and feeding programs for women, infants, and children (2%/0.4%) that
assist the poor in feeding themselves and their children. About
student aid (1.9%/0.4%) and
unemployment
compensation (0.6%/0.1%). About
housing assistance
(0.1%/0.2%) and temporary assistance to needy families (0.4%/0.1%). About
foster care and
adoption assistance (0.2%/0.04). And we're talking about only 9% of the
federal budget in all of the programs in Other Human Resources
combined and 2% of our gross income in 2019.
There is no reason to think that we can save a great deal in
taxes by making substantial cuts in this portion of the budget without
dismantling our social safety net and causing a great deal of hardship and
misery. The money just isn't in this 9% of the budget, and it's through
the programs in this portion of the budget—combined with Medicaid and
SSI—that our war against hardship and misery is waged. What's
more, this portion of the budget has already been cut by 40% relative to size of
the budget since 1980 and 34% relative to our gross income. (For a detailed
examination of our social safety net see Chapter 4 of
Understanding The Federal
Budget.)
That's it! That's all there is to the entire federal budget!
Everything the government spends money on in financing its ongoing
operations is included in one or another of the categories contained in
Figure 6 or Figure 7: Defense, Net Interest, All
Other Outlays, Retirement/Disability, Healthcare, Other Human Resources. (The programs in
each of these categories are examined in detail in
Understanding The Federal
Budget.)
This is the situation that actually exists in the real world,
and this is what Real-World Economics is about. It’s about cutting through
the rhetoric, the spin, the propaganda, and all of the other nonsense that
exists in the
imaginary world many, if not most people have come to believe in, and
looking at the facts as they actually exist in the real world, the world in
which we actually live. It is hoped that looking at the facts in this way
will introduce a degree of rationality into the otherwise hopelessly
irrational debate we have been subjected to over the past forty years. After
all, facts do matter, or at least they should.
Many of the papers on this website, including this
introduction, have numbers in them. I realize that many people have an
aversion to numbers, but I make no apology for including them here. For the
past forty years we have lived in a world in which one end of the political
spectrum has insisted that two plus two is six and demonized anyone who argued
otherwise. Those who argued that two plus two is four have been ignored while
the vast majority of the population, including our political leadership, has
come to the conclusion that this sum must be five. Our nation’s economic
policies have been guided accordingly with results that are totally consistent
with the logic involved. This is the kind of arithmetic that got us into the
mess we are in today, and it is not going to get us out. The time has come for
people to look at the numbers and learn how to add.
This is particularly so when it comes to trying to understand
our economic system. It is impossible to understand the economy without
looking at numbers. The reason is no one can actually see the economy. The
economy is made up of some
329 million people,
114 million households,
27
million business firms,
89 thousand
governments, innumerable goods and services, and it is spread throughout the
land and has tentacles that stretch all over the world. All we can actually
experience of the economy is the very tiny part we personally interact with,
and our personal experiences tell us virtually nothing about the whole.
The only way we can come to grips with the whole is to look at
numbers. Output numbers. Employment numbers. Government numbers. Production
numbers. Price numbers. Money supply numbers. Income numbers. International
numbers. Debt numbers. Numbers! Numbers! Numbers! There are often very real
problems in obtaining the numbers needed to understand the economy, and often
the numbers we have don't measure what we want them to measure or think they
measure, but, in the end, all we can actually know about the economic system
is numbers. Everything we think we know about the economic system is just
speculation unless it is supported by numbers, and everything we think we know
about the economy that is contradicted by the numbers is just hot air in the
absence of an explanation as to why the numbers are wrong.
In searching for ways to cut the federal budget it is important
to understand that cutting a small amount from a large portion of the budget
or a large amount from a small portion of the budget may yield a lot of money
in absolute terms, but it doesn't yield a lot of money relative to the size of
the total budget. It only reduces the total budget by a small amount. To
reduce the total budget by a large amount we have to cut a large amount from a
large portion of the budget. That's just grade school arithmetic.
When we look at the actual expenditures in the federal budget
over the past forty years we find that it is not possible to cut a large
amount from a large portion of the budget without cutting defense, Social
Security, Medicare, or the programs that make up our social safety net because
that's where the money is. The rest of the budget has already been cut to the
bone since 1980, and there simply isn't enough money in the rest of the budget
to make a difference even if we cut a large amount from this small portion of
the budget.
At the same time, when we look at the actual numbers that exist
in the real world we find there is no reason to believe we can reduce the size
of the federal government by increasing our efforts to target specific
instances of waste, fraud, and abuse, because there simply aren't enough
specific instances of waste, fraud, and abuse in the budget that are of
sufficient magnitude to make a difference in this regard. At best, all we can
hope to do by expanding our efforts in this area is cut a small amount from a
large portion of the budget, and doing this could actually cost us more
to do than we can save by doing it. (See
Waste, Fraud, and
Abuse in the Federal Budget.) This doesn't mean we should ignore this
problem. It only means that we should not expect to see a substantial
reduction in the size of the budget as a result of our efforts to solve it.
Those who think otherwise have a problem with arithmetic. Their numbers just
don't add up in the grand scheme of things. (Cf.
Coburn,
Sanders, and
St Luis Fed.)
It is also worth noting that attempting to address deficit
problems by simply cutting the budget—which is what we have been trying to do
over the past thirty years—is
a recipe for disaster. When we do this we risk increasing malnutrition
and
death rates among poor children or indigent disabled/elderly adults and
forcing people who can’t find work—for whatever reason—to become desperate
which is what we can expect to happen when we simply cut the funds to those
programs contained in Other Payments for Individuals in Figure 6. (Lindert)
We also risk impairing the government’s ability to protect the public from
poisonous food,
dangerous drugs,
harmful consumer products,
fraud and predatory practices in our financial system,
unsafe work environments,
potential environmental catastrophes or to
maintain our transportation systems and
educate our population which is what happens
when we arbitrarily cut funds to those programs contained in All Other
Outlays in Figure 5. (Amy)
A fundamental, real-world truth that has been almost completely
ignored in the otherwise hopelessly irrational debate we have been subjected
to over the past forty years is that
there are certain things that only
the government can do. One is provide a system of
national defense. Another is provide
legal,
law enforcement, and
legislative systems that set and enforce
the rules in a fair, efficient, and effective way. Another is provide the
public education and
infrastructure
that makes possible such things as an educated labor force and an efficient
transportation system. Yet another is to
provide a social
insurance system that makes possible such things as
unemployment
insurance, efficient healthcare and
retirement systems, and a
welfare system,
an efficient healthcare system, all
of which provide ordinary people some insurance against the devastation caused
by the vagaries of our economic system. (See
Amy,
Lindert, and
Ideology Versus Reality) Simply cutting the budget arbitrarily hinders the
government's effectiveness in performing all of these functions.
It seems to me quite clear that these are all things the vast
majority of the people want the government to provide. (Pew)
This does not mean the vast majority of the people expect the government to
take care of their every need. It means the vast majority of the people
realize that, in the real world, only the government can perform these kinds
of economic goods in a fair, efficient, and effective way. These are not the
kinds of economic goods that can be performed fairly, efficiently, or
effectively by the private sector of the economy. (Amy
Lindert)
The response from those who are waging their own private war
against the federal government is that we must cut the budget—especially
Social Security, Medicare, and the rest of our social welfare system—because
deficits and the national debt are out of control. But
if we really do want to balance the budget and at the same time provide
the government that the vast majority of the American people seem to want,
balancing the budget through mostly tax increases makes much more sense than
trying to do so through mostly spending cuts. National income in the United
States amounted to
$18,269 billion in 2019, and total federal outlays came to $4,546 billion. This means that the total tax liability created by a
21.6%
hole in the federal budget amounted to only 5.4% of our national income. Does
it really make sense to make dramatic cuts in Social Security or Medicare or
to dismantle a major portion of the rest of the federal government rather than
pay the extra 5.4% of our income needed to fund a government that can
function?
If we want the government to provide
the essential services that only
government can provide we have to pay for those services, and the way we
pay for them is by paying taxes. It's just that simple. (Well, not quite.
There are economic crises to deal with, but since I have dealt with that in
excruciating detail in
Where Did All the Money Go?, I won't get into it here.)
But we live in a democracy. I don't get to decide. This is
something a majority of the American people must decide, and the first thing
we as a people must decide is whether we want to keep the government we have,
as an overwhelming majority of the people seem to want to do, or dismantle
that government in an attempt to balance the federal budget, as an equally
overwhelming majority of the people
also seem to want to do. We can't do both,
and if we want to keep the government we have we must first accept the fact
that we have to raise the taxes needed to pay for it!
Finally, I freely admit there is no reason anyone should agree
with everything I have to say in the essays on this website, and constructive
criticism is more than welcome. If you find a mistake, I will fix it
immediately and will be ever so grateful when you point it out to me. If you
can convince me I am wrong, I will change my mind. If not, we can agree to
disagree. What's important is that we establish the facts as they exist in the
real world, not that we agree on the interpretation or meaning of those facts.
I am convinced that it is what people "know for sure that just
ain't so" that has brought us to where we are today. I also believe that if we
are to find solutions to the seemingly insurmountable political, social, and
economic problems we face today we must begin by leaving the
imaginary world that is created by rhetoric, spin, propaganda, and all of
the other nonsense and face the facts that exist in the real world, the world
in which we actually live. Real-World
Economics is my contribution toward the effort to make this possible.
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